RSF’s Revolutionary Library Catalog


The Revolutionary Student Front realizes the importance of reading, study, and theoretical knowledge in informing us on how to properly carry out our organizing. We know that without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement. Similarly, without any revolutionary practice, we can’t develop any revolutionary theory to guide us further along the path. Since we believe that the masses themselves are the makers of history, it’s our duty to arm them with a scientific knowledge of history, philosophy, economics, and organizing methods that have been proven to carry the people forward into a new stage of history. Particularly with the advent of the Internet, there is no good reason that people should be deprived of the knowledge necessary for their liberation, nor should they have to pay for access to it. Our Revolutionary Library is a start at collecting physical copies of reading material, as well as online sources, to distribute and lend out to students of revolution.

Each work listed will have a hyperlink to its online version, a link to an audiobook version if available, a short description of the contents of the text, and a notation on its availability in either book or printed form. All books are free to borrow (and printed/zine versions are free to own), but you may also purchase any book from us at near-cost. If you wish to borrow or purchase any physical text from the library, contact a member of RSF or get in touch with us at!

This catalog is still a work in progress, as it takes a significant amount of time and money to compile all of the works we want and add the necessary descriptions to each available title. Please send us suggestions on material you would like to see in this library!


Basics of Revolutionary Communism

“The Principles of Communism” – Friedrich Engels

This work is Engel’s basic description of the historical distinction between the proletariat and all other oppressed masses of history, and offers his ideas on how the nature of revolution must and would inevitably play out.

Available in book form. $6 for purchase.


From Marx to Mao: A Study in Revolutionary Dialectics – George Thomson

This is a Marxist study of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the Chinese Revolution of 1949, designed to demonstrate their unity and continuity as two successive stages in the world socialist revolution. Their common theoretical foundation is expounded by means of extensive quotations from the Marxist classics, especially the writings of Lenin and Mao Tse-tung. These enable the reader to follow the two revolutions through the minds of those who led them, and at the same time they provide him with an introduction to the basic principles of dialectical and historical materialism; for that theory can only be understood in the light of the revolutionary struggles out of which it has grown and in which it finds its fullest and clearest expression.

Available in book form. $25 for purchase.


“The Communist Manifesto” – Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels 

The Communist Manifesto is one of the world’s most influential political tracts. Commissioned by the Communist League and written by communist theorists Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, it laid out the League’s purposes and program. The Manifesto suggested a course of action for a proletarian (working class) revolution to overthrow the ruling class of bourgeoisie and to eventually bring about a classless society. Though the writing style can be antiquated for modern readers, it remains a classic to this day.



Available in book form. $5 for purchase

The Science of Revolution – Lenny Wolff

Oppression breeds resistance. This is a fundamental idea and can be seen as a foundation set by reality, but Lenny Wolff adequately argues that such alone isn’t enough to breed fundamental change, and that Marxism holds the necessary components to direct such a change.

Available in book and zine form. $10 to purchase, free for zine.


“What Maoism has to offer the world” – Jiminykrix

Available in zine form. Free.


“Marxism-Leninism-Maoism Study Notes” – Communist Party of India (Maoist)

Available online only. Available in printed form upon request.


Quotations from Chairman Mao Zedong

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


Revolutionary Organizing

Five Golden Rays – Mao Zedong

Five Golden Rays is a collection of works that detail practices to help comrades and organizations develop what is takes to transform oneself and one’s outlook to correspond with the tasks of being a proletarian revolutionary who works for the liberation of all working people.

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


Constructive Criticism: A Handbook – Gracie Lyons

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.


The Mass Line and the American Revolutionary Movement – Scott Harrison

Only available online. Printed version available upon request.


Mass Work – Communist Party of the Philippines

Only available online. Printed version available upon request.


General Political Line of the Communist Party of Peru

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.



Understanding History Scientifically

The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the StateFriedrich Engels

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


The German IdeologyFriedrich Engels and Karl Marx

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


Socialism: Utopian and Scientific – Friedrich Engels

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


The State and Revolution – Vladimir Lenin



Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


The Communist Necessity – John Moufawad-Paul

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.



U.S. History


A People’s History of the United States – Howard Zinn

Available in book form. $6 to purchase.


An Indigenous People’s History of the United States – Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz

Available in book form. $13 to purchase.


Killing Hope: US Military & CIA Interventions Since World War II – William Blum

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.




Revolution in China

“Red Star Over China” – Edgar Snow



Available in book form. $7 to purchase.


“Wind in the Tower: Mao Tsetung & The Chinese Revolution 1949-1975” – Han Suyin

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


“Fanshen: A Documentary of Revolution in a Chinese Village” – William Hinton

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.



The Battle for China’s Past: Mao and the Cultural Revolution – Mobo Gao


Available in book form. $20 to purchase.

Selected Works of Mao Zedong Vol. 1 – Mao Zedong

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.



A Basic Understanding of the Communist Party of China

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.


Evaluating the Cultural Revolution in China and its Legacy for the Future – MLM Study Group (US)

Available online only. Can be printed on request.




Revolution in the USSR


The Bolshevik Revolution Vol. 2 (1917-1923) – E.H. Carr

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik) – Joseph Stalin

Available in book form. $20 to purchase.


Class Struggle in the USSR: First Period (1917-1923) – Charles Bettelheim

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.

Class Struggles in the USSR: Second Period (1923-1930) – Charles Bettelheim

Available in book form. $12 to purchase.

Mao’s Evaluations of Stalin – Scott Harrison

Available online only. Can be printed upon request.

How the Soviet Revisionists Carry out All Around Restoration of Capitalism in the USSR


Currently available online only.



Revolutionary Philosophy

On Practice – Mao Zedong

Available in book form in Selected Works of Mao Zedong Vol. 1


On Contradiction – Mao Zedong

Available in book form in Selected Works of Mao Zedong Vol. 1


Continuity and Rupture – John Moufawad-Paul

Available in book form. $15 to purchase.




Political Economy

Wage Labor & Capital – Karl Marx

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


Karl Marx – Value, Price, & Profit – Karl Marx

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism – Vladimir Lenin

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


Capital Volume 1 – Karl Marx

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.


Grundrisse – Karl Marx

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.



Proletarian Feminism

Philosophical Trends in the Feminist Movement

Written by Anuradha Ghandy, an Indian Marxist feminist, this book outlines the variety of developments within feminist thought around the world through Marxist analysis, and gives the necessary critiques to many of these trends in a great contribution to the development the body of work which is still in creation – proletarian feminism.

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


Caliban and the Witch: Women, the Body, and Primitive Accumulation – Silvia Federici 

Available in book form. $15 to purchase.


Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale – Maria Mies

Available in book form. $5 to purchase.


Marxism, Mariategui and the Women’s Movement – Catalina Adrianzen

Available in zine form. Free.


Women, Race and Class – Angela Davis

Available in book form. $8 to purchase.




It Will Not Fall Unless You Hit It – Red Guards Austin

Available in zine form. Free.


Throwing Light – Red Guards Austin

Only available online. Can be printed upon request.

The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International in the Struggle of the Working Class against Fascism – Georgi Dimitrov

Available in book form. $8 to purchase.


A Brief History and Assessment of Antifa Organizing – Revolutionary Communist Party of Canada

Only available online. Can be printed upon request.


Emergent Fascism and the Fragmented Left – Revolutionary Communist Party of Canada

Only available online. Can be printed upon request.



National Liberation

On the Questions of Race and Racism: Revolutionary National Liberation and Building the United Front Against Imperialism – Kevin “Rashid” Johnson

Only available online. Can be printed on request.


Black Liberation in the 21st Century: A Revolutionary Reassessment of Black Nationalism – Kevin “Rashid” Johnson

Only available online. Can be printed on request.


The Struggle for Chicano Liberation – League of Revolutionary Struggle (ML)

Only available online. Can be printed on request.


The Struggle for National Liberation of Indigenous Peoples is Central to the Revolution – Revolutionary Communist Party of Canada

Only available online. Can be printed on request.



Marxism and the National Question – Joseph Stalin

Available in book form. $7 to purchase.


The Wretched of the Earth – Frantz Fanon

Available in book form. $6 to purchase.


Black Skin, White Masks – Frantz Fanon

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.


Black Like Mao – Robin Kelley & Betsy Esch

Available in zine form. Free.


The Black Panther Party

Black Against Empire – Joshua Bloom

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Available in book form. $10 to purchase.


Revolutionary Suicide – Huey P. Newton

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.


Assata: An Autobiography – Assata Shakur

Available in book form. $10 to purchase.

The New Communist Movement and Maoism in the US

Heavy Radicals: The FBI’s Secret War on America’s Maoists – Aaron Leonard & Conor Gallagher

Available in book form. $15 to purchase.


Condemned to Win – Position Paper from Red Guards Austin

Available in zine form. Free.


Red Guards Austin – A Year Summation of the Life of a Militant Maoist Organization in the U.S. Central South

Available in zine form. Free.


Announcement of the Revolutionary Mental Health Program

“Our cadres must show concern for every soldier, and all people in the revolutionary ranks must care for each other, must love and help each other.”

– Mao Zedong, “Serve the People”

In an attempt to determine a starting point from which real revolutionary organizing could take place at UT Austin, we spent our first months as an organization investigating and analyzing many of the problems that students faced on our campus. After a number of interactions with fellow students, it became apparent to us that the university’s existing healthcare structures were failing to meet the mental health needs of our fellow students. The personal experiences of a number of our members further affirmed this fact.

As a revolutionary organization, RSF holds that our role is not to simply make demands from the University, an institution that we know cares only about profits and not its students. Rather, we must build alternative institutions that are run by and for students themselves.

As such, we are officially announcing the launch of our Revolutionary Mental Health Program. The RMHP’s aims are to lend emotional and social support to its participants and to offer a political understanding of mental health and its relationship to capitalism. Because the program is still in an embryonic stage, we are calling for the help of those with experience in the mental health industry to assist in its growth and development. In addition to describing the program itself and the process by which we deemed it necessary, this document outlines a preliminary theoretical understanding of the relationships between capitalism, alienation, and illness. These relationships are too complex to describe in a document as brief as this one, as they are also mediated by structures like heteropatriarchy and white supremacy. We hope to explore these more complicated interactions in depth in future documents.

The RMHP program

Though we are not ourselves licensed psychiatrists or therapists, we understand that capitalism has not, does not, and will never create whole and healthy people. Thus, lending social and emotional support to our comrades and to our fellow students is a central aspect of a successful fight against mental illness and against capitalism.

The RMHP hopes to provide a group environment in which participants feel validated, safe, and supported within a community of people that understands or is committed to understanding the problems that they face in their everyday lives. By providing participants with a consistent and supportive community of comrades who care deeply about one another, we hope to combat the alienation that we students face as a result of being at a university as enormous as UT.

Additionally, we aim to further the political understanding of the our fellow students by tackling the question of why there exists so little emotional connection in a society full of so much wealth. Exploring this question will necessary lead us to the conclusion that we must organize, and organize along explicitly anti-capitalist lines, to bring an end to this system.

Overall, RSF’s Revolutionary Mental Health Program hopes to serve as a base of student power that can address the immediate social and emotional needs of our fellow needs and offer a revolutionary understanding of society. In so doing, we hope to help create healthier individuals and stronger organizers who can continue to build bases of student power in other aspects of student life.

That said, this program is still in its very beginning stages, limited to small trial groups that we are administering and participating in with the aim of arriving at a better grasp of how to undertake this endeavor. We are currently working with several graduate students with experience in social work, therapy, and psychology, who are guiding our group sessions and ensuring that they work smoothly. However, while an overwhelming amount of people have expressed interest in participating and leading the program, we currently lack the resources with which to accommodate such a large demand.

This being the case, we are calling for all who know how to facilitate or are interested in learning to facilitate group therapy sessions to reach out to us in order to develop the program such that we’re able to serve an increasingly large section of our student body. Our Revolutionary Mental Health Program has a lot of room to grow, but we hope that it forms one of the many bases of student power necessary to make the University of Texas into a people’s university.

The mass line and conditions of UT


At the heart of the way that the Revolutionary Student Front works is a method of organizing called the “mass line,” which may be summed up by the slogan of “from the people, to the people.” The mass line guides what kind of work a revolutionary group carries out and how they do it. It states that revolutionary organizers must develop solutions to the social problems that oppressed communities themselves express concerns about, and base these solutions on the ideas that these communities themselves devise. The mass line protects against missionary forms of organizing, in which organizers impose solutions to the problems that they subjectively deem most pressing.

However, because we are revolutionaries and our goal is to win people over to a revolutionary perspective, we must go beyond simple charity work. In addition to meeting people’s needs, our methods of addressing these social problems must do so in a way that offers a more clear political understanding of these needs and why they remain unmet within this system. Creating a program or campaign that can achieve both of these goals is necessary for advancing revolution, for working this way ensures that we are making revolutionary theory relevant to people’s everyday lives. Revolutionary organizers aim to develop programs that the community that they serve may take up as its own. If the proposed program fails to gain traction, organizers must go back to the drawing board and discard any unnecessary aspects as needed. Should the program truly meet the needs of the people and succeed, it will form a new basis of community power and autonomy, functioning as a spark for the development of other types of grassroots institutions.

Keeping the method of the mass line at the forefront of our practice, we began conducting our social investigation in the fall of 2016. We tabled, held town halls and conducted regular meetings in order to talk to fellow students about the problems that they faced in their daily lives. We saw many recurring themes in our conversations with fellow students, including the issues of tuition increases, the increasing cost of student housing, lack of transportation services for commuting students, and finally, a notable lack in the quality, availability, and depth of UT’s mental health and counseling services. Many of the folks that we spoke to said that they had experienced absurdly long wait times, dismissive therapists and counselors, and services that, at best, worked to solve problems only superficially. Furthermore, for students whose conditions necessitated extensive time in counseling, the cost of mental health care — beyond the handful of free sessions that the CMHC offers students — prevented them from continuing their treatment.

According the Center for Disease Control, in 2014, suicide was the second leading cause of death among people in the 10-14, 15-24, and 25-34 age groups. Lack of public resources, social stability, and funding drives thousands of youths to suicide each year, and afflicts millions more. According to UT’s Center for Mental Health and Counseling, 18 percent of undergraduate students have seriously considered suicide during their time at college, and 8 percent of undergraduate students have attempted suicide. The fact that nearly one in every ten students at UT has attempted suicide speaks volumes about the dismal state of our mental health resources here on campus. The rising rate of people of all age groups suffering from mental illnesses also sheds light on an uncomfortable truth about life under capitalism. In order to build a world free from mental illness and social isolation, we must understand how capitalism produces these disconcerting ways of life.

Capitalism, alienation, and illness


As humans, we are social beings that live in a social world that is produced by our labor in relationships with other people. It follows that the nature of these relationships are conditioned by a dominant social structure and the social relations that this structure necessitates. In order to understand the conditions from which mental illness arises, we must examine the way that capitalism as a political, economic, and social system structures our interactions with one another. To do so, we must take a look into the way that we create the goods that fulfill human needs in a capitalist system.

Capitalist society is divided into two primary classes: the worker, who has nothing to sell but their ability to work, and the capitalist, who owns the tools or instruments necessary for the production of a good. While the worker relies on their ability to work for survival, the capitalist depends on the worker’s labor for the production of goods, the profit of which allows the capitalist to expand their enterprise. The market, which requires competition between capitalists, forces individual capitalists to engage in a constant process of expansion and accumulation.

Despite the fact that the worker performs the labor necessary to produce goods, the capitalist’s ownership over the instruments necessary to make those goods allows the capitalist to claim legal ownership over them at the end of the production process. The worker is then given a wage in exchange for their labor. This wage, however, is not representative of the value of the product that the worker creates with their labor; rather, it is constricted such that it covers only the monetary value necessary for workers to keep coming back to work. That is, the capitalist pays the worker only enough money to cover food, housing, a limited amount of education, etc. This is how the capitalist makes a profit.

As such, while the relationship between the worker and the capitalist appears on the surface as a voluntary exchange, the relationship between capitalists and workers is fundamentally exploitative. The worker is forced to participate as a merely mechanical cog in a production process that is not of their choosing, in order to produce a commodity that they don’t own, for profit that they do not have access to. The entire process of production takes the appearance of decisions made by a force entirely foreign and alien to the workers, disconnecting them from their own essence as creative and free human beings. Additionally, since workers are not producing for the real needs of other human beings, but for the need of the capitalist to accumulate profits, they are alienated from realizing themselves as part of a complex, cooperative social system where their work provides for others and the work of others provide for them.This set of conditions is what Marx calls alienation.

The relationships between capitalist and worker, and between worker the production process, lead to a generalized condition in which workers produce only to survive, and survive only to produce. These relationships, which we are forced to participate in in order to survive, structures our relationships with other people, be it with the capitalist that forces us into this relationship, or with our fellow workers, with whom we must compete with in our struggle for survival. Capitalism, then, necessitates a culture of hyper-individualism and an atomistic relationship to the world around us. Its requirement for the profit that we create negates our needs for a whole and healthy life, for meaningful and productive relationships with the people around us.

It’s no wonder, then, that our society is rife with depression, anxiety, and various other mental health disorders.

Mental illness, deprivation, and categorization


In addition to this basis of alienation, capitalism leaves workers with the bare minimum, if even that, to survive on. Marx notes in “Wage Labor and Capital” that “the price paid for labor is equal to the amount of labor needed to (1) keep the laborer alive, (2) train the laborer, and (3) create new laborers, that is, support the worker’s family so more workers can be created.” Nothing more. So contrary to what people will say, capitalism is not a meritocracy where people are paid according to their contribution, but are paid only enough to keep themselves barely alive and functioning. But as we know, capitalism is often unable to provide us with a “livable wage”, leaving nearly 20 million people to die from hunger and preventable illness every year. For those who do manage to survive, life is a constant economic conflict. The meager wages that we are forced accept in exchange for our labor is rarely enough to pay for housing, to pay for the enormous cost of healthcare, and to keep up with student loan payments. Simply living our day-to-day lives is a heavy economic burden that our wages are only seldom able to pay for.

Consequently, working-class students and working-class people live in a constant state of economic precarity, often fueling feelings of hopelessness and despair. In addition to these conditions, the narrative of the “American dream” fuels the idea of a non-existent “meritocracy” — that if you work hard enough, you can become rich beyond your wildest dreams. As a result, those that struggle to make ends meet on a regular basis are encouraged to think of themselves as failures and of their problems as a result of their own faults. This ideology prompts working-class people to look inwardly for a cause of their suffering, instead of looking outwardly at the society that not only allows for their misery, but depends on it.

The only cure for abjection in a capitalist system is to sell one’s labor to whomever will buy it. Capitalism has never, does not, and will never view the workers upon which it depends as anything but sources of potential profit.

Furthermore, the degree to which society categorizes, stigmatizes, and deems mental health disorders “illnesses” to begin with depends on the degree to which the individuals who live with these disorders are capable of generating profit. The more a given mental health disorder prevents a person from engaging in production for profit, the more seriously the disorder is stigmatized and treated as a serious affliction. For example, Narcissistic Personality Disorder — a serious condition that often causes serious harm to those afflicted with it and their loved ones — runs rampant among corporate CEOs, who habitually disregard the needs of their workers in the name of personal gain and profit. In fact, it has been proven that corporate CEOs with narcissistic personalities actually make higher profits than their non-narcissistic counterparts. As a result, despite the detrimental effects that NPD wreaks upon one’s interpersonal relationships, its ability to encourage competitive and profitable activity renders it a disorder unworthy of research funding. Finding a solution to NPD is deemed unimportant and not a priority.

By contrast, because depression often leads to high employee turnover and poor performance in the workplace, depression is stigmatized as a condition that requires an immediate solution. Hence physicians’ willingness to prescribe pharmaceuticals for the sake of resolving these issues as soon as possible, providing a superficial and individualized solution to a problem that is structured and determined by society writ large. If a disorder renders workers unable to make it to the workplace to make profit for the capitalists that buy and depend on their labor, its treatment is considered an immediate priority.

Capitalism forces workers into conditions that render mental illness almost inevitable ,while also creating the paradigm through which mental illnesses are perceived, treated, and accepted as illnesses at all.

We do not, of course, attribute every form of mental illness to capitalism or to capitalist socialist relations. While several forms of mental illness stem from actual physiological imbalances, the capitalist social relations that structure our lives force those who deal with such imbalances into impossible conditions. In addition to the alienation, the depravity, and the stigma that capitalism wreaks upon the lives of those with genuine physiological imbalances, those who suffer from such disorders must also deal with an economic system that refuses to offer them treatment unless they are capable of paying enormous medical fees. If a pill can’t fix it, then only outrageous amounts of money will.

Breaking the chains and turning illness into a weapon


Of course, it’s not enough to accept these conditions as a matter of fact. It’s not enough to come to the conclusion that capitalism creates emotional and social deprivation. It is the responsibility of those that are oppressed by this system and understand its conditions to use revolutionary theory and to engage in revolutionary organizing in order to change these conditions. In order to destroy this deceased system, those who realize that another world is possible and necessary must act to make that world a reality.

This situation, however, presents its own particular contradiction: How can organizers go out create institutions of people power if they themselves are downtrodden by these alienating and oppressive conditions? In order to solve this contradiction as part of the broader political struggle against capitalism, it’s necessary to fight against the oppressive conditions of mental health under capitalism. We can only build a world without social alienation by propagating revolution, and we cannot propagate revolution without actively overcoming the oppressive mental health conditions that we are faced with.

Our use of the mass line and our understanding of mental health struggles under capitalism lead us to the conclusion that we must form our own solution to this problem. Though we clearly think that UT’s Center for Mental Health Services ought to have more counselors, more therapists, shorter wait times, and a wider range of programs at its disposal, we also know that we cannot depend on these structures of power to meet our needs. As part of the capitalist system, UT’s administration will always place the prospect of profit before the needs of its students and its workers no matter how much we petition or plead.

While we hope to pressure the University to provide more resources for students struggling with their mental health, the primary aspect of the RMHP lies in building an institution that works on a basis that is fundamentally different from that of the University – on that of the needs of people and not of profit. RSF is looking forward to what the RMHP can bring for our fellow students and for the revolutionary movement at UT, and hopes that, with the participation of our fellow students, we may advance our understanding of how to create a better campus and a better world.

Build the RMHP, build student power, build revolution!

Revolutionary Student Front – Austin

May Day 2017 – Fight ICE with FIRE!

image1On May 1, International Worker’s Day, we ask our fellow students to gather in downtown Austin at the intersection of 4th and Guadalupe Street at 6:00 PM as we protest the exploitative conditions enforced by this country, the city of Austin and the University of Texas against workers, undocumented people, and the people of oppressed nations at home and abroad, as in Syria. Building a better world for the people means nothing short of revolutionary action in organizing both on and off the streets. People power finds its most clear expression through the militant anger that people bring to these actions and can serve to embolden future organizing as well as demonstrate to the powers that be what the consequences of their failure to act will result in. This May Day, we hope to boldly show the city of Austin and our university that we demand protection for undocumented people and action against white supremacist organizing in addition to highlighting the role that UT plays in pushing forward the interests of US imperialism.

President Fenves said previously that UT has no legal authority to become a sanctuary campus, and cited his support of DACA as proof that he has the interests of undocumented students in mind. But we know from the example of our city government that UT does not lack the authority – they’re just scared of losing state funding like Austin did after becoming a sanctuary city. UT continues to prioritize growth and profits over its students that are in actual danger. Any student can see that these priorities are fucked up as, most recently, more of our parking is slated for removal so that a new arena can be built. As a result more students have to park further away from campus for the sake of UT’s profits. Regularly across campus essential resources are taken from us to make the campus shiny, enticing, and profitable. UT is terrified to lose funding that students rarely, if ever, benefit from in the first place.

Fenves’s fake ass solidarity through bare minimum support of DACA is already insulting, to say the least, but he does not stop there. At the infamous February town hall hosted by Fenves and three other UT administrators, he was directly asked why Confederate monuments remain on campus. In an effort to score brownie points with those who had asked for its removal, he made sure to remind us that he aided in the taking down of a single statue before saying all the other racist statues were, for some reason, “part of the fabric of our campus.” This was met with shouts of anger from students, but he still has not taken back his statement. Later on, he was given the name of a confirmed white supremacist student and still failed to investigate the evidence. He is unapologetic for the ways he upholds the legacy of white supremacy that saturates campus and permits the racism of the students that attend UT.

UT has always been a safe space for racist white students, where they’re allowed to develop fascist ideologies with no pushback. Professors encourage abhorrent ideas to flow freely for the sake of debate, while racist, imperialist, and Confederate legacies are upheld and praised constantly. With the election and inauguration of Trump, campus racists have been emboldened, posting up propaganda from white nationalist groups like Identity Evropa and American Vanguard. They have explicitly encouraged reporting undocumented students and praised the Muslim ban. They recognize that UT is a ripe breeding ground for their fascist ideology, despite their overall pathetic attempts to organize sympathetic students.

We must also keep in mind that not only does UT not object to the open support of these awful ideologies, but is substantially and materially invested in imperialism and the class conditions that allow these ideas to flourish. Across campus the US military is uncritically praised and its acceptance is pushed onto students. In fact, UT is the second most militarized in the nation, and the consequences permeate every aspect of campus life, from our war criminal Chancellor to flashy, expensive advertising for every military speaker that comes to campus. Many schools are explicitly or implicitly invested in teaching students to become new pawns of the US war machine. Multiple Arab students report being told or suggested that their language programs weren’t really for them, and that they should prioritize teaching other students Arabic so they can become translators for the military or CIA. Further examples of the US military’s handle on UT can be found at UT’s motivation, again, is money – in 2000 alone the Department of Defense gave over $73 million to fund pro military programs at UT. Despite administrators’ mild disapproval of Trump, the support for the military he now commands has sustained.

Meanwhile, Trump has continued bombing Yemen, Somalia, Pakistan, Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan, and has begun bombing Syria under the guise of “humanitarian aid.” We aren’t fooled by this, just as we weren’t fooled by his claims of focusing on America first and keeping out of other countries. International students, at risk due to the Muslim ban and these bombings, are being encouraged to remain in the US over breaks, to not risk refusal to re-enter. UT has no better response but to insist students should sacrifice home and family for their education in the US.

These are unacceptable conditions for students to live in. Undocumented, international, and immigrant students, along with all students of color, have been put in danger and often severely harmed by UT’s vested interest in imperialism, defense of its racist past, and refusal to investigate and punish racist students. Additionally, working class students continue to face the rising pressures of tuition, rent, campus accessibility, and the abysmal conditions of basic resources that universities should provide. RSF has, from its inception, set out to confront these conditions and to create real student power that can put lasting change into effect. We seek to stand in solidarity with each other as students and the working class on May Day. These issues cannot be solved with petitions, demands, or appeals to the humanity of our oppressors and their institutions – instead we must organize ourselves into a force to be reckoned with. Let’s show Austin our dedication and militancy this May Day by taking to the streets and spreading a message of solidarity with the working class and against all forces that seek to harm them!

Rise Up Against Fascism on Inauguration Day!

UT students and workers, let’s stand up against fascism on Inauguration Day! On January 20th at noon, we’re going to skip classes and work, demonstrate in front of the UT Tower, and march around Austin. We don’t love Trump’s hate, we want to smash it! Come angry, and cover your face in case any fascists try to photograph you.

If you want to help with preparations, come to our J20 Sign & Banner-Making Party on the 18th from 5-8pm at 1905 Nueces St, or print up a few of these flyers and put them up around campus. The high resolution version is available here.

After the walkout on the 20th, there’s going to be an anti-fascist bloc meeting in front of the Long Center (701 Riverside Dr) at 5:30. We encourage everyone who can make it to come to both events.


Self-Criticism on the RSF Statement Regarding Freedom Road Socialist Organization [Fight Back!] (FRSO-FB)

In our December 8 summation of the anti-fascist action at A&M, we included some statements about FRSO-FB that were incorrect, reckless, and opportunistic. In the final paragraph of the statement, we erroneously claimed that a FRSO-FB member was a known rapist and the organization was silencing survivors, without investigating these very serious allegations sufficiently. In making this accusation, we went directly against a principle that every revolutionary should take to heart: if you don’t fully investigate a subject, you don’t have the right to speak on it. We made assumptions instead of seriously investigating the facts of the case and whether the member in question is guilty. Though FRSO-FB’s lack of transparency has severely clouded the matter, without knowing the facts for sure it was extremely reckless to call him a known rapist.

This recklessness doesn’t just hurt our credibility as an organization and that of other organizations close to us within the Austin left. It could also jeopardize the fight against predators on the left as a whole – which is crucial for revolution – by making other statements outing predators less credible. When we offer such claims without evidence and expect people to believe them anyway, we suggest that such an unscientific method, “just trust me,” is suitable instead of, or in addition to, a scientific approach. This approach of offering claims without evidence sets an example for a counterproductive and counterrevolutionary way of engaging with other organizations and attempting to understand the world. It is ultra-leftism, leftist in form and rightist in essence: while it may sound revolutionary, in fact it sets back the revolutionary struggle.

While we know that the other statements we made — regarding the importance of combating predators in the left and FRSO-FB’s unprincipled behavior in dealing with very serious accusations of sexual assault by their members, as well as their unprincipled responses to other sorts of criticism — are true, the inclusion of the paragraph about FRSO-FB in the statement was opportunistic. It had no relationship to the action at A&M and served no purpose other than posturing. Though they were present at the action, we didn’t have any struggle or interaction with them beyond merely occupying the same space, and it was not our intention to imply otherwise. However, our stance on FRSO-FB remains the same – we aren’t going to work with an organization that has continued to maintain a complete lack of transparency around rape allegations for several years, that promotes opportunism and reformism rather than revolution (as we’ve seen in their stance towards the anti-gentrification movement in Los Angeles), and that responds to criticisms by calling critics cops, wreckers, and liars – but as revolutionaries we need to deal with all situations and organizations in a principled and thorough way instead of an opportunistic and liberal one.

As we work towards revolution, it’s inevitable that we will make mistakes. The conscientious practice of self-criticism is important for our organization’s leadership. Just like a car must be continually maintained to remain a working car, revolutionaries must continually practice self-criticism to remain effective revolutionaries. The purpose of self-criticism is to identify the weaknesses and faults that an organization has succumbed to, and then address and correct them in a timely manner, so we can learn from past mistakes, recover, and avoid future ones. All revolutionary organizations that wish to overcome obstacles they face on the road to victory while maintaining unity and fighting capability must take self-criticism seriously in their practice. We’re making this self-criticism openly because we’re committed to being transparent and dealing with our mistakes openly rather than covering them up. We hope that in making this self-criticism, we will provide a means for not only our organization, but all groups that operate in the same way, to rectify or avoid making these same mistakes in the future.

Statement on the Anti-Fascist Action at A&M

DPS pigs attacking anti-fascist students

When the Revolutionary Student Front heard that neo-Nazi Richard Spencer would be speaking at Texas A&M University on December 6, we immediately began planning to shut him down, reaching out to anti-fascists and organizing a carpool to College Station. Widely known for his “Heil Trump!” salute, Richard Spencer is trying to make fascism mainstream as the “respectable” face of the “alt-right.” Trump’s election has emboldened and legitimized fascists like Spencer and led to a surge of racist attacks, making the fight against fascism more important now than ever. We are completely committed to denying fascists any platform by any means necessary. Fascism cannot be stopped through debate or the ballot, only with the bullet. Hitler became Führer despite a majority of Germans voting for his liberal opponent Hindenburg. Nonviolent resistance didn’t stop the Nazis; what stopped the Nazis was the military victory of the Red Army. Never in history has fascism been defeated with love.

Taking part in the demonstration against Spencer were Austin anti-fascists from Revolutionary Student Front, Serve the People, Revolutionary Alliance of Trans People Against Capitalism, Defend Our Hoodz, and Red Guards Austin, unaffiliated anarchists, and comrades from other cities including Dallas, San Marcos, and Houston, as well as unaffiliated A&M students and faculty. Members of Peaceful Streets Project were also present to film the police. We covered our faces in order to protect ourselves from police surveillance and fascist retaliation; fascists have often exposed anti-fascists to harassment and violence by publishing their names, pictures, addresses, jobs, and other personal information online. Even one unmasked person in a group can compromise others’ identities, which is why we encourage everyone to mask up.

Originally, we planned to attend the event and shut it down from the inside, chanting over Spencer to prevent him from being heard. But by the time we arrived, the event was full and security wasn’t letting anyone in without a wristband, something we didn’t anticipate. This was partially our fault; we needed to arrive early but failed to properly plan our action in advance and thus spent the time prior to the event planning. Additionally, all our contingency plans assumed that we could gain entry. While no plan can cover every possibility, this was a major oversight that had serious consequences.

Who protects the Nazis? Pigs do, pigs do!

Unable to enter, we joined the demonstration that was moving inside the Memorial Student Center (MSC) where Spencer’s speech was being held. We led chants to push the demonstration in a more militant direction, like “No love for Nazis,” “Nazi Nazi Nazi! Out Out Out!” and “What’s better than one dead Nazi? Two dead Nazis! [repeat, counting up]” This demonstration gave many students an education they’ll never get in any classroom, showing the people who are their friends and who are their enemies. The Texas Department of Public Safety deployed lines of state troopers in riot gear, with helmets, shields, batons, and shotguns, in order to keep the Nazis safe from the public. Campus police, Bryan and College Station police, Brazos County sheriffs, and even the FBI were also present. We saw similar behavior from the pigs at the attempted Nazi-organized “White Lives Matter” rally in Austin last month, when the state and city deployed hundreds of riot cops, as well as helicopters, snipers, and mounted pigs, to protect only a dozen fascists. When fascists don’t feel safe from the wrath of the people without an army of pigs watching their back, and the state knows it, that’s a victory for us. To be attacked by the enemy is a good thing, not a bad thing, because it proves we’ve achieved a great deal in our work and drawn a line in the sand between us and the enemy.

Chants of “Who protects the fascists? PIGS DO, PIGS DO,” “Cops and Klan go hand in hand,” “The hate, the hate, the hate inside of me / All cops are bastards, ACAB,” and “OINK OINK, BANG BANG” echoed through the halls as the pigs pushed the people back with riot shields and nightsticks. Pigs gave one comrade a concussion and arrested two others (they have now been released). But it was not only the police that proved themselves to be enemies of the people. Liberals—those who believe capitalism should be reformed and not smashed—reacted with chants like “love not hate”. But we have absolutely no love for fascists, who want us dead and who see non-white people as subhuman and women as objects. We responded with chants like “no love for Nazis”; one liberal apparently didn’t love that, because she yelled “fuck you, bitch” at a comrade. Other liberals told us to take off our hats, as is the custom in MSC, though they didn’t seem to care about the helmets the riot squad was wearing. While the liberals showed themselves unwilling to take any action against fascism, they were eager to use force to help the pigs do their job of protecting white supremacy: some put their backs to the police line and helped them push us back, showing us which side they’re really on. This is not the first time we’ve seen behavior like this from “peaceful” liberals: at anti-Trump protests in Austin, while police were beating and arresting anti-fascists (breaking a comrade’s neck in two places), liberals cheered on the police and pointed out comrades to them for arrest.


Anyone who is serious about fighting fascism needs to understand the threat posed by liberalism and how to combat it. There are politically advanced, intermediate, and backwards sections of the masses. Hardcore liberals, like the ones who helped the pigs push us back, are part of the backwards, and must be isolated. Any liberals who try bullshit like that should expect to be held accountable. However, the majority of the masses are intermediate; they know something’s wrong with the world but don’t know what to do about it. Our task is to show them that the solution is revolution. It’s important for revolutionaries to go to demonstrations, even liberal ones, and set an example for the masses with our militancy, organization, and courage. Liberals try to make a division between “respectable” protesters like them and “unrespectable” protesters like us, so that the “respectable” ones can get jobs and grants and the “unrespectable” ones can get concussions and jail time. Don’t allow liberals to form a separate bloc from militants or hold space uncontested, but join their bloc to move the action in a more radical direction. Bring a megaphone and/or get ahold of theirs. Chants like “FTP, fuck the police!” and “What’s better than six dead Nazis? Seven dead Nazis!” serve to draw a line in the sand between liberals and revolutionaries, causing some backwards liberals to leave while rallying the intermediate and advanced masses. Make sure to watch your back around liberals, because you can’t trust anyone who works with the cops.

Many errors stemmed from our failure to communicate effectively prior to and during the action. Though we were in touch with comrades from other cities before the action, we weren’t in communication with all of them, and we also failed to properly coordinate with them on the ground, making us less effective than we could have been. During the action, we had difficulty organizing a unified front, which resulted in us missing a critical opportunity to potentially press through near the ballroom door prior to the arrival of riot cops. We also didn’t designate a comrade to make on-the-spot decisions, which led to our bloc splitting up at some points instead of staying together. For future actions, we want to have a point person who can make such decisions for the group, as well as a designated communications person who is responsible for staying in touch with other comrades. When the riot cops (aided by the liberals) tried to box us in, we panicked and made a disorderly retreat down the stairs and outside the building, hindered by our lack of a command structure. After we realized that we left a comrade behind in the confusion, some of us split up and went back upstairs to make sure they were safe, which they were. After that, we erroneously decided to leave campus and head home, partially out of fatigue (some of us were tired and thirsty, something we should have prepared for better) and partially out of panic and fear, when we should have re-joined the demonstration, which was still going on. We hope to learn from these errors and improve, and we are discussing them publicly so that other comrades can also learn and avoid making the same errors themselves.

[This last paragraph was removed for reasons which will be make clear in a forthcoming statement by RSF]

March to Defend the UT Antifa 3

On Thursday, November 17, the Revolutionary Student Front organized a march around the University of Texas campus to demand that the University of Texas Police Department drop all the unjust charges against the UT Antifa 3. The UT Antifa 3 are community members who were wrongfully arrested and charged with felony vandalism for allegedly painting over Celtic crosses outside the Blanton Museum of Art, located on campus. The administration had allowed these neo-Nazi symbols to stay up outside the Blanton since February, despite knowing about it soon after it went up, while they were able to remove “Black LIves Matter” graffiti from Confederate monuments within hours. Their willful inaction in addressing the threat of white supremacist hate is unacceptable, but unsurprising given the racist history of the institution and the way in which hate crimes continue to be handled at the university.

Dozens of students and workers, from groups including RSF, Students For a Stateless Society, Palestine Solidarity Committee, Serve the People, Revolutionary Alliance of Trans People Against Capitalism, and International Socialist Organization, as well as some students unaffiliated with any group, demonstrated their anger at the UT administration’s continued accommodation of racism. The march started off campus near Dobie Mall and continued around campus and nearby streets for more than an hour, stopping at vital intersections and delaying traffic on major roads such as Guadalupe Street and MLK as large crowds watched. The pigs showed up in force, from campus, city, and state police departments; officers were watching the site even before any demonstrators arrived. Demonstrators passed out hundreds of informational leaflets on the UT Antifa 3 and why the march was being held to onlookers. Those who were initially confused at the sight of the protest quickly became indignant when they learned about UT’s actions in repressing those who dared to struggle against fascism. Though the crowd was relatively small, they had a large impact in terms of causing disruption and spreading the word about the case. This action reflects the growing wave of radical student activity appearing at UT, and we hope it will inspire students who want to take action against a university bureaucracy that doesn’t care about their needs or their safety.

The university has now covered the Celtic crosses and hired a contractor to remove them completely, but they only did this after anti-fascists took the initiative to paint over it themselves. A spokesperson for the administration tried to excuse their inaction, saying they tried to remove the graffiti the day it was noticed, but failed to remove it completely. This begs the question: after their first attempt to remove the graffiti failed, why did they just leave it at that? Why were they content with Nazi graffiti staying on campus in any form? The answer is that the UT administration doesn’t give a fuck about the oppressed students and workers who are threatened by Nazis. This was the same UT administration that didn’t punish organizations like Young Conservatives of Texas or the Fiji fraternity for holding racist events, that didn’t arrest anyone for attacking black and brown students with bleach bombs, and that let racists who threw bottles at a black student while shouting the N-word get off with just misdemeanor charges and a one-semester suspension.

The Revolutionary Student Front is uncompromising on our principle: NO PLATFORM FOR FASCISTS! We do not believe that anyone who spreads rhetoric that attacks and dehumanizes and terrorizes oppressed people should have any right to free speech. We are committed to preventing fascists from organizing and spreading their hateful ideology on campus by any means necessary. But it is impossible for a capitalist institution rooted in white supremacy like UT to say the same. A legacy of racism adorns the halls of the entire university, from Confederate monuments to buildings named after notorious racists like Robert Lee Moore, who once told a black student seeking to take his class, “You start with a C and can only go down from there.” The university depends on donations from rich bigots; this was why they dragged their feet as long as they could before removing the statute of Confederate president and slaveowner Jefferson Davis. And they are too committed to ruling-class ideas of “free speech” to crack down on hate speech. White supremacy has been part of UT’s institutional character since its founding, and it cannot be reformed out of existence. It must be destroyed, and we encourage all students and community members to be militant and persistent in this endeavor.

The UT Pig Department has not yet produced any evidence that the UT Antifa 3 are guilty of anything. This is because the three are completely innocent of every charge against them. Removing racist graffiti is an act of service to the people, not a crime. The 3 should not be facing prison time! There is only one right thing for UT to do: DROP ALL THE CHARGES!


Donate to defend the UT Antifa 3 and other victims of state repression: